Here we are publishing the annual Treatment Report for 2007, a report which we have been publishing since the establishment of the HRFT in 1990, based upon the data obtained from our representative offices. The information that this report presents to the public in a scientific way is about torture cases in Turkey. Torture is a crime against humanity, constituting a threat to the right to life.
In these books that we publish every year, the story of persecution is written; the persecution inflicted by the hands of public officials on citizens who are deprived of their liberty which is a crime against humanity and an embarrassing tragedy.
What we are doing by publishing annual reports is just a reprinting of this story. What changes every year is the number of torture survivors who apply to the HRFT Representatives; and the graphics, tables, and statistics created accordingly.
Torture methods may vary depending on the political atmosphere. Yet, systematic violence does not change; it is continuous and stable, though its degree may vary.
In these books, we conceal faces and names. Neither torture survivors nor torturers are mentioned. These scientific narratives prepared by experts are general and abstract. However, the information revealed sheds light upon the concealed facts. Our applicants, the resisting people, are made visible. Most of them are subjected to unregistered violence during uncontrolled processes. In the detention places that are commonly known, trained soldiers, police and civilian officials are on duty. Their tools and methods are the same everywhere. Those who are actually responsible, the politicians in government, ignore torture allegations and by doing so neglect their duties. They are stuck in their seats. So far there has not been one honorable case of resignation as a result of occurring torture cases. Torture suspects are under protection and interrogations against them are exceptions. The lawsuits filed are timed out, delayed or they result in light punishments. Every year similar cases occur and the vicious circle continues.
The situation described above recurred in 2007, in an atmosphere where democracy, rule of law and human rights have been debated upon more intensively than ever in the history of Turkey. I believe that it is necessary to record information regarding this atmosphere in the introduction of this book in order to generate and improve collective memory.
Political and social movements were the most striking characteristics of the last year. This vivacity caused by the election of the new President and general elections encompassed the State as well. The Constitutional Court and the Turkish Armed Forces (TAF) loomed in a way influencing the political scene. As the Constitutional Court made a judgment that the votes of 2/3 of the Turkish Grand National Assembly are a requisite for electing the President of the Republic, an early election was called. Thus the election of Abdullah Gül as President was delayed until the aftermath of the parliamentary elections.
The TAF was against a President whose wife wears a headscarf to climb to the Çankaya Palace. So TAF adopted several memorandums in April and May, all aimed at influencing the public opinion. Its evaluations on the political and social life of Turkey and its reminders on the protection and defense of the laic republic came to the top of the agenda.
The vivacity was also in the civil sphere. Parallel to the memorandums declared by the TAF, the opposition took to the street at large “Republican Meetings” before the Presidential elections. Participation in these meetings was high, the laic front was able to display their footing in society in seven different provinces.
During this political turmoil, several suicide attacks aimed at the civilian population occurred. The bombs left ten civilians dead and tens of civilians wounded in İzmir, Ankara and İstanbul.
Another point about this political atmosphere to be mentioned is the arms and soldiers stationed by the TAF at the Iraqi border and the continuous cross border operations. Security zones were established in three provinces before the elections and propaganda were made to prevent people from voting for the Democratic Society Party. A non-declared state of the emergency regime was put into practice and the strategy of solving the Kurdish question with military methods did not change; the shadow of war loomed over Turkey.
Scrutinizing the election manifesto of the Justice and Development Party (JDP), the Republican People’s Party (RPP) and the Nationalist Movement Party (NMP) – the parties that were regarded certain to get seats in the Parliament – prior to the elections we did not come across any serious promises regarding peace and democracy which is what we actually need. Instead, concerns about security and terror were standing at the forefront.
However, after this atmosphere of turmoil and the constitutional amendments, Presidential elections and general elections took place, and on 28 August Abdullah Gül was elected as the 11th President of the Turkish Republic. On the 22 July, early general elections the JDP obtained 46.7% of the votes and gained a majority in the Parliament. The 60th cabinet was formed under the prime ministry of Recep Tayyip Erdoğan. The second winner of the elections was the Democratic Society Party (DSP). The DSP joined the elections with independent candidates and won 20 seats. Consequently, representatives of two political movements labeled as potentially risky by the TAF – the DSP and the JDP – joined the political arena of Turkey powerfully.
An important action by the government after the elections was to revive the society by preparing a new draft Constitution. While different sections of the civil society were working on this draft, the government gave up on its initiative. The part of the society that had been hopeful about preparations of a new Constitution was disappointed.
Due to the increase in the PKK attacks in September- October the military action escalated. Within two months more than 50 soldiers were buried. The TAF claimed that these attacks stemmed from the region controlled by the Iraqi Regional Kurdish Administration and requested authorization for a cross border operation. On 17 October the TGNA answered this request with a permit and on 1 December the TAF carried out the first air operation. On 21 February 2008, the TAF started airborne and land operations to the PKK camps. Approximately ten thousand soldiers reached the Zap camps in the north of Iraq in severe winter conditions and carried out an eight- days operation.
As a result;
I tried to briefly present the main incidents of a process expanding into the first months of 2008 and explain the political climate in Turkey. I tried to show the difficult consequences this atmosphere brings forth for human rights defenders. In an atmosphere resembling the “Last Judgment,” it was difficult to oppose violence. Our voices were not heard in the chaos. Our demands for peace had no place on the agenda of politicians who prioritize security. A frightened society did not ask for more democracy and freedom. On the contrary, racism escalated in the war atmosphere and the will to live together fraternally and in peace could not become visible, despite our endeavors. In this process when the demands of the social opposition and workers were neglected, harsh measures were taken against demonstrators. Rule of law based upon human rights still did not exist in 2007. Instead, the military and police were more visible than before. Pressures on freedom of expression and political life continued systematically. The cost of being oppositional was heavy.
Since the amendment of the Police Duties and Authorities Law, the police have been using force recklessly. The number of suspicious deaths in detention increased. Six people died in detention and four in prisons. During the armed conflict, 407 people lost their lives, 104 of whom were members of security forces. The number of applicants to the HRFT Treatment and Rehabilitation Centres in 2007 was 452. 310 applicants stated that they had been subjected to torture within the same year. The number of torture survivors increased by 44 % compared to the previous year. “Zero tolerance to torture” is a general truth and even made it on the agenda of the JDP, the party that composes the government alone and that has the majority in the Parliament. However, the reality is that torture is continuing as does tolerance for the torturers.
We commemorate Hrant Dink, a journalist of the Agos newspaper, a human rights defender, and our friend, who was murdered in January 2007. We will perpetuate the aspirations for peace and fraternity that hundreds of thousands of participants of the funeral of Hrant Dink cried for. We will strengthen our struggle for a world and Turkey without torture. We will continue to be in solidarity with torture survivors. I believe that this book will contribute to such an endeavor.
I would like thank to our friends and workers who provided data for and prepared the 2007 Treatment and Rehabilitation Centres Report.